The following was produced for my Church History class at J. Dalton Havard school of theology.IntroductionOne of the most dissected and discussed Christian ideas today is Christology
1. There is an emerging consensus among scholars that the Jesus of the New Testament only became the Christ of Post-Nicaea through a series of political triumphs, and perhaps even some underhanded excision of minority views
2. This construct has a certain appeal, especially to those who through unbelief have an interest in casting doubt upon Jesus' deity, but will such a construct bear the weight of rigorous historical-theological inquiry? To this point much of this discussion has surrounded non-canonical texts and minority canonical variants, combined with a rather plastic interpretation of historical events
3. However, such constructs can and should be examined in light of the writings of theologians contemporary to Nicaea. At this point, however, such inquiries tend to classify Nicene writings into categorical groups, and present them as representatives of competing traditions. Perhaps it is time for a fresh approach. Perhaps an examination should be made, not of the content, but of the structure of Nicene writings. An examination of the structure of Nicene Christology may render fresh insight into its development and canonization. A contemporary Nicene writer of particular interest to this inquiry is Athanasius of Alexander. A prolific writer and stalwart defender of Nicene Christology, his works more than any other may help illuminate the origination of Nicene Christology. The goal of this paper is to demonstrate that Athanasius employed a metanarrative Christological structure, and that in so doing he considered his Christology to be both orthodox and unique.
Historical BackgroundAthanasius was born around AD 296, probably near the Nile basin
4. Dark skinned, Coptic speaking, and short of stature, he was pejoratively called the "black dwarf" by his enemies
5. Whatever his physical stature, he was a theological giant, a bulldog champion of the Nicene Christology. Athanasius was made bishop of the important see of Alexandria in the year 328, the same year that Constantine allowed Arius to return from exile
6. Upon Arius' return, Arianism gained favor rapidly, and soon the entire Christological debate had become swallowed up into two essential categories. On the one side were the Arians, whose power and influence post Nicaea were empire-wide, and on the other side were the Nicenes, who won the official support of the Council of Nicaea, which represented the majority position of the Christian bishops. This was the historical context of Athanasius' work.
Theological BackgroundThe development of Christology had already gone through several refinements by this point. The first and most obvious threat chronicled in the pages of the New Testament was the Judaizers' claim that Jesus' work was only sufficient in Judaism, usually demonstrated through circumcision
7. A second threat alluded to in the New Testament was the Grecian idea that matter is evil, and spirit is good
8. Despite Paul's warnings against this type of thinking, this threat would later evolve into full blown Gnosticism, as well as Marcionism
9. This controversy seems to have been centered primarily on the question of Jesus' body. Since flesh is evil, the Gnostics taught that the body of Jesus was only an illusion. Through this controversy the church established that Jesus had a real human body
10. At this time the church also established the canon of Scripture, and adopted the Apostles' Creed. So already we see a consensus emerging around the person and work of Jesus. From the beginning Jesus was called kurios, or "lord", as well as logos, or "word"
11. Jesus is also pictured in the New Testament as prophet, priest, king, and judge
12. Logos Christology is found first in John's gospel, and was later adopted by Justin Martyr. This language was later employed by Clement of Alexandria and his pupil, Origen. Both of these scholars were neo-Platonists, and their philosophy heavily colored their theology. These two, especially Origen, defended the faith from the errors of Gnosticism, re-establishing that Jesus was indeed a real human. However, in so doing Origen implied that there were two Gods, and that the Divine was somehow diminished by the emanation of the Son
13. This was all around AD 200, scarcely a century and a half before Athanasius and Arias
14. It was actually the ideas of Origen that prompted a response from Arius. He rejected the ideas that God could be split, and that God could be diminished. His solution, however, was to claim that the Son was a created being of the Father
15. It should be noted that Arius was a respected elder in Alexandria, so this whole controversy can be seen as a provincial conversation that eventually swallowed up the whole empire. The controversy seems to have arisen not over the Biblical language regarding Christ, but rather what that language meant
16.
The Problem of MeaningIt was in this political and theological context that Athanasius of Alexandria found himself near the middle of the fourth century, anno domini. Athanasius' response was to write an entire treatise on the incarnation of Christ - De Incarnation Verbi De (lit. "the incarnation of the Word of God")
17. Its very title suggests that Athanasius would appeal to the logos Christological model, demonstrating that his goal was not so much the introduction of new Christological language so much as the illumination of Christological language he and others had already received. Athanasius adopts the logos vocabulary, but he rejects the philosophical speculation of his forebears in Alexandria
18. These choices on the part of Athanasius give us insight as to the structure of Athanasius' Christology. For Athanasius, it would seem, a proper understanding of who Christ is demands a proper understanding of what Christ is. It was not the particulars of the life and times of Jesus that mattered (for as we have seen, the canon was established and even the Arians claimed the historical Jesus), but rather their ultimate meaning and significance. Jesus is the logos, but what does that mean? Athanasius seems to grasp intuitively the concept of contextualizing truth. To say that Jesus is the Word of God is only as meaningful to Athanasius as the context in which it is understood. Athanasius believed that by misrepresenting the Christian metanarrative, the Arians and other heretics were warping the truth of Christ.
Athanasius addresses this problem in his First Discourse Against the Arians. Athanasius laments the Arian use of Christian language, and compares the Arian hijacking of Christian language to the religion of the Jews
19. Athanasius' argument goes something like the following: the only way to know the truth of Christianity is to accept the received orthodox Christian story. The Jews are an obvious example of those who share language and beliefs with the Christians, yet deny foundational aspects of the Christian metanarrative (such as the deity of Jesus). In so doing the Jews clearly proclaim that they are not Christian. In the same way, the Arians share language and beliefs with the Christians, but in changing the Christian metanarrative, they are not Christian at all. To expose this misuse of language, and to establish the orthodox story of Christianity, Athanasius began where all metanarrative theology begins - at the beginning
20.
The Word and CreationIt is formative for the present argument to note that Athanasius begins all his detailed treatments of Christology with creation. In the opening arguments of De Incarnatione, Athanasius establishes that the Word was the creator. To ensure that his readers do not understand the creative Word in a pagan sense, Athanasius immediately points out that this Christian beginning is very different from the pagan myths of creation
21. This demonstrates that Athanasius was willing to use familiar language, but had no interest in allowing such language to subvert Christian orthodoxy. This begins to create boundaries around his Christological model, as he seems intent on guarding a tradition rather than creating a new one. For Athanasius, the establishment of the Word as the Author of creation is a primary presupposition - the rest of the story all depends upon this fact. In his very first paragraph, Athanasius writes, "We will begin then with the creation of the world and with God its Maker, for the first fact that you must grasp is this: the renewal of creation has been wrought by the Self-same Word Who made it in the beginning
22." This demonstrates two things about the structure of Athanasius' Christology. The first is that Athanasius presents his Christology within orthodox language and beliefs. The second is that Athanasius understands this Christology in light of the received Christian metanarrative. In both these points, Athanasius demonstrates a notable lack of originality. This further supports the idea that Athanasius' Christology is a defense of something already established, rather than the presentation of something new.
In a similar manner Athanasius' First Discourse begins with a complaint against the Arian misappropriation of Christian language
23. In refuting such false teaching, Athanasius immediately turns to creation. The Arian idea that Athanasius takes issue with is the teaching that the Word had a temporal beginning, as a creation or emanation from the Father. Athanasius presents a hybrid argument that appeals to Scripture and creation. Creation is especially foundational to Athanasius' argument. If God in fact created all ex nihilo, and if the logos was God's creative agent, then both God and the logos must be external of time and space. How could the logos be God's creative agent outside of time and space and still be a created being? Athanasius accuses the Arians of holding these ideas in logical contradiction
24. In like manner, Athanasius argues that all things made were made by Christ (John 1:3), and therefore, the Word cannot be a made thing of the Father
25. Athanasius also appeals to John 17:5 to demonstrate that the Son shared in God's glory before the creation of the world
26. In his letter To the Bishops, as well, Athanasius presents the Word as God by right of his creative acts
27. Athanasius' tenacious consistency in returning to creation in order to define the logos demonstrates that his Christology was dependent upon a larger story for its meaning.
However, it is not merely to creation that Athanasius turns. He also presents arguments that presume the Christian teachings of heaven and angels
28. Likewise, Athanasius presents arguments against the Manicheans that appeal to the truth of the eschatological passages in Matthew and Thessalonians
29. In these examples, Athanasius is appealing to a Christian cosmology and eshatology. In all these arguments, Athanasius appeals to the orthodox Christian story of reality in order to refute false teaching. In this way, Athanasius establishes the eternality of the Son not by philosophical speculation, but by appealing to the metanarrative of which we are all part. It is only through a proper understanding of the Christian metanarrative that one can truly know the Word.
Creation alone, however, proved insufficient to demonstrate a complete Christology. The fall of man is also central to the Christian metanarrative, and is essential for Athanasius' arguments. Particularly in De Incarnatione, Athanasius appeals to the fall of man to explain the nature and reason of the incarnation. Athanasius uses broad language to describe the fall, contextualizing his argument in both Grecian philosophical inquiry
30 and Christian Scriptural authority
31,. Likewise, in his Contra Gentes Athanasius begins by presuming the Christian doctrine of a perfect creation and subsequent fall of man
32. In Contra Gentes, it is only by understanding this presupposition that a proper understanding of evil can be grasped
33. From this presupposition, Athanasius goes on to demonstrate that idolatry is nothing more than a perversion of the worship of the true God, which man originally enjoyed. In De Incarnatione, Athanasius asks, "why are we discussing the origin of men, when we set out to talk about the Word's becoming man
34?" Athanasius answers his own question by stating that the fall of man is the very reason the Word became flesh. So important is human depravity to understanding the incarnation, in fact, that Athanasius describes man's plight in lurid terms in paragraph five. Not only was man corruptible, and in a state of constant death, but man also rejected God to the point of inventing new sins - adultery, theft, murder, and rape covered the earth, and man went to war with man, killing and being killed, so that in the end man had entirely perverted God's good creation
35. Man had lost God.
In Contra Gentes Athanasius also clearly defines the hopeless depravity of man and its origin in the fall
36. It is from the fall that Athanasius derives the sin of idolatry in all its forms, from the worship of the heavenly bodies, to the elements, to earthly objects and animals, to personified lusts, to men, and even emperors
37. In so doing, Athanasius is intentionally demonstrating that over time man has sunk farther into the sin of idolatry, moving ever away from the worship of God, and closer to the worship of man.
The only solution in Athanasius is for the Word to become man and to take the penalty, and impart life
38. It is necessary for God to save, but for man to take the penalty for sin, thus the hypostatic union. This is a beautiful early penal substitutionary atonement theory, that clearly derives from Athanasius' metanarrative Christology. Athanasius makes a point of demonstrating how in his extended incarnation Christ visibly reconstructed the Christian story, and defamed the false metanarrative of the pagan
39.
The Word and RedemptionIn addressing Jesus' death and resurrection, Athanasius spends less time on the passion of Christ than on its meaning in the larger context of the Christian story. "The supreme object of his coming," Athanasius writes, "Was to bring about the resurrection of the body
40." Athanasius goes on to argue that in resurrecting his own body, Christ demonstrated his power over death and corruption, thereby assuring all believers that they too will conquer corruption and death
41. This understanding of Christ's death is intentionally correlated with the effects of Adam's fall. Jesus' death was not a new thing in the cosmos, but the continuation of a long played out drama. Athanasius presents multiple perspectives on the death of Christ, but he always ties them into a metanarrative that demands human redemption. Thus while elements of a ransom theory of atonement are presented, they are presented as perspectives on the greater theme of human depravity and Divine justice
42. Christ became a curse, taking our curse of Genesis (Athanasius here models Paul's argument including the cursed death on a tree, and footnotes Galatians 3:13)
43. Jesus became a ransom for all, saving us from the power of depravity and the Devil (again Athanasius adopts Paul's arguments, and footnotes Eph. 2:14)
44. It should also be noted that Athanasius appeals to the writings of Paul to support his interpretation of Christ's sacrifice. This is important because even if Athanasius presents an orthodox metanarrative, that does not mean that he presents the logos in an orthodox way within that story. By demonstrating that his own Christology fulfills the demands of Paul's writings, Athanasius is communicating the thoroughgoing orthodoxy of his Christology.
The Word and EschatonFor Athanasius, the death of Christ accomplished the negative portion of our redemption, in that it satisfied God's justice in fulfilling the righteous demand of capital punishment, and freed man from death
45. But the positive part of redemption - the granting of life and righteousness - are accomplished by Christ's resurrection
46. Athanasius ties this into both the beginning and ending of the Christian metanarrative. In the beginning, the resurrection of Christ restores the fortunes lost to man in Eden. In the end, the resurrection of Christ ensures our own bodily resurrection and participation in Paradise. This sort of return to Eden demonstrates that Athanasius' metanarrative was not open ended. This indicates that Athanasius did not understand his metanarrative as a human construct attempting to give meaning to God's ineffable works. Rather, Athanasius presents his metanarrative as the only true conception of reality. Athanasius also reminds his readers that in his second advent Christ will judge all according to their works, and grant eternal life to the good, and eternal damnation to the evil
47. It is only through familiarity with the metanarrative that these exhortations make sense. In another context they might communicate a very different gospel. Thus we see that for Athanasius, proper Christology is the root of proper living, and proper metanarrative is the root of proper Christology. It is not inappropriate, therefore, to conclude that for Athanasius, metanarrative theology is the root of all Christianity.
The Structure of Athanasius' ChristologyThere is a noticeable consistency in the structure of Athanasius' arguments. Despite vastly disparate contexts and audiences, Athanasius always explains his Christology in light of the Christian metanarrative. His appeals also typically follow a diachronic sequence, especially in De Incarnatione. Athanasius does not introduce new language or ideas, and intentionally appeals to orthodox language and sources. In these two things, language choice and metanarrative, Athanasius demonstrates that he considers his Christology to be orthodox.
Athanasius also presents his metanarrative as the only true conception of reality. He intentionally compares his metanarrative to pagan myth in order to prove the superiority of the Christian story. Further, he structures his argument is such a way as to exclude any who would contradict his metanarrative. Like the sword of Damocles, it hangs over all Christologies, threatening to cut off those who err. By constructing his Christology in such a way, Athanasius is presenting his Christology as unique.
These two valuations demonstrate the structure of Athanasius' Christology. For Athanasius and his followers, Nicene Christology was both orthodox and unique.
ConclusionHaving established such, it should be asked how such a Christological model impacts the current debate on the formation of early Christology. Athanasius was the champion of the Nicene Christology. An examination of the structure of Athanasius' arguments should render some insight as to how he understood the development of Nicene Christology. Three aspects of Athanasius' Christology are relevant to the discussion of Christological formulation. First, Athanasius uses language that had already been established in the Christological discussions. This implies that Athanasius was either presenting received materials, or reinterpreting received language. Second, Athanasius interprets his use of unoriginal language with unoriginal Christian metanarrative. In using an established, orthodox Christian metanarrative, Athanasius demonstrates that he is not reinterpreting received Christological language. Third, in tying together the threads of Christological language, New Testament writings, and intra-testamental metanarrative, Athanasius demonstrates that a proper Christology is an unalterable part of the fabric of Christian religion.
What does this mean for the current reconstruction of early Christological development? In the first place, it demonstrates that the adherents to the Nicene Christology considered their Christology to be neither new nor optional. Conspiracy theorists take note - even if Nicene Christology was enforced through political leverage and sociological oppression, those who held to the faith considered it to be the only true and orthodox Christology. Those who are not Christian should at least construct their histories in a way that takes this into account. For Christians, however, the conclusions of this paper are more poignant. Athanasius has so knit his Christology together, that it is inseparable from the Christian metanarrative. If we choose to reject Athanasius' Christology, we must come to reckon with his accusation - that we have rejected the whole Christian story, and are guilty of another faith.
1. This discussion has moved beyond the predictable circle of secularists to include some within the umbrella of evangelicalism. Compare Veli-Matti Karkkainen, "Christology: a Global Introduction" Baker Academic, 2003. pp61-101., Hans Schwarz, "Christology", Eerdman's 1998, pp42-49, Albert Schweitzer, W. Montgomery, and F. C. Burkitt, "The Quest for the Historical Jesus" Dover Publications, 2005, pp264-313, Mark S.G. Nestlehutt; "Chalcedonian Christology: Modern Criticism and Contemporary Ecumenism" Journal of Ecumenical Studies, Vol. 35, 1998., J. Denny Weaver; "A Footnote on Jesus", Cross Currents, Vol. 56, Winter 2007. Richard Sturch, "The Word and The Christ, an essay in analytic Christology", Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1991, pp 17-55.
2. Bart D. Ehrman, Misquoting Jesus (New York: Harper One, 2007), 151-205.
3. Cf. Ehrman, 151. John Dominic Crossan, The Birth of Christianity (New York: Harper One, 1998), 22-26.
4. Tim Dowley, ed., Eerdman's handbook to the History of Christianity (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Wm. B. Eerdman's, 1977), 136.
5. Justo Gonzalez, The Story of Christianity (Peabody, Mass.: Prince Press, 1984), 173.
6. Dr. Nick Needham, "Athanasius and the Deity of Christ, Lecture 1," speech delivered to Highland Theological College, Athanasius and the Deity of Christ, Highland Theological College, Dingwall, Scotland, Real Audio File http://www.wicketgate.org/athanasius/athanasius_1.html. (accessed November 10, 2009).
7. Kenneth Latourette, History of Christianity (Peabody, Mass.: Prince Press, 1997), 120.
8. David R. Kimberly, "First Timothy 2:15 - A Possible Understanding of a Difficult Text," Journal of Evangelical Theological Society 35, no. 4 (Dec 1992): 481-486. F.F. Bruce. "The Colossian Heresy." Bibliotheca Sacra 141, no. 563 (Jul-Sep 1984): 195-208.
9. Eerdman's 102.
10. Gonzalez, 60-66.
11. Latourette, 141.
12. Gerry Breshears, "The Body of Christ: Prophet, Priest, or King?," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 5.
13. Needham, Lecture 1.
14. Eerdman's, 104.
15. Gonzalez, 161.
16. Needham, Lecture 1.
17. Athanasius also wrote four discourses against the Arians, several circular letters against Arianism, a defense of the Nicene Council, an Arian history, and numerous personal letters in which Arian ideas were condemned.
18. Although Athanasius retained Platonic elements in his argumentative structure, he clearly rejects the "sanctified Platonism" of Origen.
19. Athanasius contends that it is unbelief that the Jews misunderstand the Old Testament to fit their own ends. Athanasius of Alexandria, "Four Discourses", Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers, ed. Phillip Schaff and Henry Wace, Athanasius - Selected Works and Letters (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1999), 310.
20. It should be noted here that metanarrative theology does not seem to be unique to Athanasius. John Dominic Crossan has indicated that the Hebrew religion was essentially a metanarrative with implications for community faith. In Crossan's discussion of Hebrew theological model he writes, "Divine righteousness, social justice, and ritual purity are interwoven in Jewish tradition like three strands of one and the same rope." So the concept of a metanarrative theology, rather than being new, seems to be the received Christian heritage. Crossan, 182.
21. Athanasius of Alexandria, On the Incarnation (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1944), 25.
22. Ibid., 26.
23. Four Discourses, Selected Works, 308-309.
24. Contra Gentes, Selected Works, 20.
25. Four Discourses, Selected Works 326. This argument is embedded in a larger discourse against the Arian practice of calling God "Unoriginate", rather than "Father". Athanasius points out that the name Father only has meaning in relation to the Son, and therefore to change the name of God is actually an attack upon the Son.
26. Ibid., 328.
27. To the Bishops, Selected Works, 230.
28. First Discourse, Selected Works, 331.
29. Ibid. 337-338.
30. In paragraph two, Athanasius puts forward some Grecian theories of origin, and again in paragraph two confutes them, using a combination of philosophy of the mind and observation of human nature. De Incarnatione, Page28.
31. These must be referred to as Christian Scripture, for it is obvious that Athanasius is understanding even the Old Testament passages in light of the Christian metanarrative which he is propounding.
32. Contra Gentes, Selected Works, 4-7.
33. De Incarnatione, 18.
34. Ibid., 29.
35. Ibid., 31.
36. Contra Gentes, Selected Works, 5. Athanasius intentionally refutes the dualistic idea that evil and good are both eternal and necessary parts of the universe.
37. Ibid., 6.
38. Ibid., 34.
39. Ibid.
40. De Incarnatione, 52.
41. Ibid.
42. Ibid., 49.
43. Ibid., 55.
44. Ibid.
45. Ibid., 57. Athanasius offers a unique and compelling existential argument for the defeat of death at the cross, in that all who come to Christ so despise death that they are willing - even eager - to give their lives in martyrdom. So by observation Athanasius concludes that the power of death has truly been broken for these believers. Athanasius certainly lived this fearlessness out, but died peacefully in his own bed at a ripe old age.
46. Ibid., 62.
47. Ibid., 95.